Japan Proposes NSA Equivalent, Advanced Snooping

Here is my latest story for Defense News

TOKYO — A top Japanese government panel has recommended the country begin widespread monitoring of Internet-based communications, establish a Cyber Defense Corps within Japan’s Defense Ministry to protect infrastructure, and ultimately set up a Cyber Security Center, a Japanese equivalent of the US National Security Agency (NSA), according to a member of the panel.

The June 10 report, “Cyber Security 2013,” by the National Information Security Center (NISC), Japan’s top government advisory panel on Cyber security issues, which is chaired by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, recommended legislation to introduce monitoring and to strengthen laws to combat cyber espionage, although these could prove the most controversial, according to NISC panel member Motohiro Tsuchiya.

A first priority is to extend the competency of the Cyber Defense Corps, which is being set up in Japan’s Ministry of Defense (MoD), beyond protection of Japan’s armed forces, called the Self Defense Forces (SDF), he said.

“The MoD is thinking they cannot protect outside systems. They are focusing on protecting the SDF, since Cyber attacks do not typically involve obvious physical damage. We have proposed that the MoD must change its strategy,” Tsuchiya said.

A second step proposed by NISC is to introduce legislation to allow the Japanese government, probably through the establishment of a new agency, to monitor Internet-based communications, which is forbidden under both Article 21 of the Japanese Constitution and Article 4 of Japan’s Telecommunications Business Law.

“Under Article 21 and Article 4, the government is strictly prohibited from monitoring and wiretapping, for example. These restrictions are very strict and absolute. This is very extreme [in the context of international practice by other governments],” Tsuchiya said.

Under the NISC’s proposals, the new agency, provisionally called the Cyber Security Center, would be able to conduct limited monitoring of communications by setting up facilities at fiber optical trunk communications landing points targeting malware or suspicious communications.

Tsuchiya said that Japan badly needed an equivalent of the NSA or the UK’s Government Communications Headquarters to combat a wave of increasing serious Cyber espionage attacks on Japan.

“We might start monitoring communications. Japan is an island nation, and connected through submarine cables via landing stations. We can tap into these to watch malicious communications. We are not proposing deep packet inspection, for example. The ability to monitor headers and to use lists to stop distributed denial of service attacks might be sufficient,” he said.

Local media has reported that the new Cyber Security Center could be set up by 2015. But Tsuchiya disputed this because setting up such a body would require intensive negotiations among several turf-conscious ministries and agencies anxious not to lose budget or power. The National Police Agency, which is Japan’s primary domestic intelligence agency, has the most to lose in any reshuffle.

“At the moment, the Cyber Security Center is just a proposal on paper. But it’s a significant step forward just by the fact that it has been written,” Tsuchiya said.

NISC also recommends Japan introduce updated, focused legislation to define and punish Cyber espionage and Cyber crime.

At the moment data protection laws only cover civil servants and even those only impose relatively light punishments, for example, fines of ¥500,000 yen ($5,000) or a year in jail, and are wholly inadequate, lack scope and are badly dated, Tsuchiya said.

“The government’s main priority so far has been setting up the National Security Council. The Abe administration may try to draw up legislation in the summer. After that, there could be a lot of opposition, as many remember the bad experiences of the war,” he said.

The NISC’s proposals will be rolled into a final report that will include an implementation roadmap, early in July, Tsuchiya said.

Foreign Journalists Finally Getting the Story

It looks like journalists in Japan are finally catching up with my story of a couple of weeks ago (Japan Plans More Aggressive Defense) for Defense News.

This is a typical example from a freelancer for the South China Morning Post.

There is an interesting piece, No, Japan’s defense plans aren’t scary, which which refers back to a Time story (Japan Looks to Add Offensive Firepower) based, it seems on my original.

The CNN blogs piece is excellent.

Anyway, please remember you read it here and in Defense News first 🙂

Cyber Security and Space: Presentation, 29th ISTS

Had a very enjoyable presentation to the 29th ISTS last Friday in the International Conference Hall at the Nagoya International C

onference Center.

Nagoya International Conference CenterThe session was on the Friday [v-2] on Space Utilization and Security and chaired by a person I very much respect, Prof. Hashimoto, who now is deciding Japan’s LV strategy.

Session Date June 7 (Fri) 16:20 – 18:00
Room International Conference Room
Chairpersons Yasuaki Hashimoto (The National Institute for Defense Studies, Japan)
Motoko Uchitomi (JAXA, Japan)
2013-v-06 ( 16:20-16:40 )
US Space Security Cooperation and Its Relevance to the Asia-Pacific.
Unfortunately Fukushima san could not present, but there were really interesting predictions from Kodama Sensei and two from Taiwan that were very interesting.
According Space Utilization and Securityto Kodama, it should not be impossible to move from warning to prediction of earthquakes using satellites, which I found interesting, but not as interesting, frankly as the scathing criticism leveled at the IGS program, which is patently seen as Public Enemy by some sections of Japan’s space science community.
ISTS
If you have spent decades honing and training excellent academic science that is at the global cutting edge and cannot prize a few extra hundred thousand dollars out of government, meanwhile, politically favored companies, groups and powerful institutions and overall inertia and paranoia means you can spend 10 billion dollars on a bunch of satellites that are patently only marginally useful to Japan’s defense, then you might have a point.
But then again, you have to invest long term to get results and the IGS may well prove strategically important; meanwhile why waste money on satellites when Perky the Pig and his friends are obviously more reliable about giving earthquake warnings?
Saying all that, the Presentation raised a few eyebrows and I am very thankful to Aoki Sensei for suggesting I do it.
Presenation

“Japan eyes troops to recapture remote islands”

This story intrigued me. According to this Kyodo headline, some remote Japanese islands have been invaded and Japan is looking at some troops to recapture them. Or perhaps I missed something?

It looks like Kyodo has just caught up with my story a few weeks back.

Japan Might Delay F-35 Purchases: Update

Japan wants to buy 42 F-35 joint strike fighters, but the former defense minister believes the annual purchase rate could go down. Here, the seventh Lockheed Martin F-35 takes its first flight in April. (Lockheed Martin)

Japan wants to buy 42 F-35 joint strike fighters, but the former defense minister believes the annual purchase rate could go down. Here, the seventh Lockheed Martin F-35 takes its first flight in April. (Lockheed Martin)

Here is an example of disgraceful hackery: some clowns at “DefenseWorld.net” not only ripped off this story, but changed the story “Japan Forced To Delay F-35 Purchases.”

Here is a story I recently did for Defense News, also available on their website here

TOKYO — Former Japanese Defense Minister Satoshi Morimoto, the architect of Japan’s decision to purchase F-35 joint strike fighters to boost Japan’s deterrence against China, now believes cost pressures caused by the recent plummeting value of the yen could delay the rate of annual purchases for the country’s planned buy of 42 fighters.

In an interview with Defense News, Morimoto, who served as Japan’s defense minister until December and is one of Japan’s leading defense experts and strategists, said he now believes the Defense Ministry may be forced to delay annual purchases of F-35s, should the yen continue to hover around 100 to the US dollar.

“Because this was a decision by the government of Japan to introduce the F-35A, no matter what the price becomes, we cannot change our principle or our policy. We had to introduce the F-35 to replace the F-4. But the problem is … the price is increasing. The question then is how to manage it. I think the MoD has to reshape [the] number of purchases each year.

“The problem is whether we can catch up with the competition for air superiority with Russia and China, so we cannot postpone more than three years. I guess we might postpone one or two years,” he said.

Japan had planned to have all 42 aircraft in its inventory by 2021, and a delay in annual purchases could push that to 2023.

When asked about the possible delay, Defense Ministry spokesman Takaaki Ohno said the complex program is still being worked. “We recognize the F-35A contains the most advanced technology but we also recognize that it is a project that is still under development,” he said. “Whatever happens with the introduction of the F-35, we will continue to maintain the closest contact and cooperation with the US.”

Last year under Morimoto, Japan agreed to import four F-35s in 2017 and locally assemble the remaining 38, which will be built in small lots by two main local prime contractors led by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries.

Under a June 29 foreign military sales agreement with the US, Japan committed to purchase the first four at ¥10.2 billion a unit, which was about US $124 million each under the exchange rate at the time of 82 yen to the dollar.

The price was already well over the earlier agreed price of ¥9.9 billion, due to the then-continuing development and testing difficulties the F-35 program was facing. However, over the past six months, the value of the yen has plummeted to around 100 to the dollar.

“This is a very, very serious problem for the Japanese taxpayer,” said defense analyst Shinichi Kiyotani. The problem is compounded by the fact that Japan’s purchasing costs are plagued by small-lot, piecemeal procurement, meaning local production costs can be sometimes double those of US-made counterparts. “People are wondering if Japan can afford it,” Kiyotani said.

Morimoto stressed that the total number of aircraft would remain at 42, but also said if future prices bust budget ceilings set by the Finance Ministry — as they are likely to do if the yen stays so cheap — the MoD could spread out the purchase over several consecutive years.

The MoD has committed to purchasing the first 10 units in tranches of four, two and four, he said. After that, “if the price is still higher, the Ministry of Finance will be relatively reluctant to purchase the planes. We can’t change the basic plan for the first two or three tranches,” so the changes will come later, he said.

Richard Aboulafia, vice president of analysis at US-based think tank Teal Group, anticipated potential problems because the more fighters are built in Japan, the more costs are likely to rise.

“[S]tanding up a Japan Final Assembly and Check Out [organization] … would greatly increase costs, a factor that has hobbled generations of Japanese fighter procurement programs and might mean a gap in firming up details, as Japan decided how much equipment would be built in country,” Aboulafia said. “It’s quite possible that the Japanese government hasn’t decided what it’s willing to pay for in terms of fighter manufacturing and industrial sovereignty.”

Paradoxically, while the longer-term future of Japan’s F-35A buy now looks more hazy, the overall stabilization of the F-35 program means delivery of the initial four is on schedule for 2017, sources said. Further, Japan is already making moves to recalibrate the Japan Air Self-Defense Force (JASDF) to accommodate them.

Steve O’Bryan, Lockheed Martin F-35 vice president of program integration, earlier told Defense News that negotiations with Japanese partners were progressing and both sides were looking to hit the 2017 target delivery date.

In anticipation, the MoD has already begun preparations to receive the planes, Ohno said earlier. These include budgeting ¥29.9 billion this year for purchasing the first two units and ¥83 billion for initial costs to help industry set up plants and facilities to build various parts of the planes.

The MoD is spending an additional ¥21.1 billion for training equipment and expenses to start rebuilding Misawa Air Base in the northern part of Honshu.

Meanwhile, this year the MoD has begun beefing up defense and deterrence of Japan’s far-flung Nansei Shoto, or southern island chain, which stretches southwest of Okinawa to within 70 miles of Taiwan.

The MoD has begun reinforcing the 20 F-15J/DJ fighters with a further squadron in 2015. The MoD has budgeted ¥3.4 billion on facilities construction at the JASDF’s Naha Air Base and invested an initial ¥50 million to study how it should improve airborne radar, deployment and logistics issues to accommodate the move, Ohno said.

Finally, the MoD is spending ¥12.2 billion to upgrade both its F-15s and F-2s in response to what the MoD calls the need to “adapt to the modernization of the aerial combat capabilities of neighboring countries.”

This year, six F-15s and an undisclosed number of F-2s will get improved radars, a medium-range air-to-air missile and modernized data systems, Ohno said.

Japan’s Defense Plans: Into the Mass Media

Time

Nice to see the mass media outside Japan finally picking up on my “scoop” (which is journalist jargon for not attending a presser (now rebranded as “news conferences”) and actually talking to people.

Anyway, Time  (Japan Looks to Add Offensive Firepower) and The Diplomat ( Japan Mulls a Preemptive Strike Capability) picking up on my story about Japan’s plans for a new, more muscular defense strategy.

Which is great to see, because it’s actually really important, rather than a crisis or confrontation story on Japan manufactured by the local media.

Actually of course, the story itself is old, as this has been openly posited by Japan for at least a decade, and Japan’s ability to be a truly useful partner to the U.S. really started to come into focus as early as the late 1970s, which lead to the original “Three Arrows” Mitsuya policy. My favorite Three Arrows however comes from 乱.

Since then, in some ways, what is happening now to Japanese defense posture is catching up with the realities of the arc of insecurity that Japan faces, and its paramount need to service the Japan-U.S. Alliance, with the whole thing run through the post Cold War wormhole.